Wednesday, 21 January 2026

Fishing for Funding: Professor Hardy and the Origins of Hull's Fisheries Research and Zoology Department

Given Hull’s heritage as a fishing port, it is perhaps unsurprising that fisheries research played a significant role in the early establishment of the University of Hull. Between January 1928 and March 1942, the university, then known as the University College of Hull, was home to the noted marine biologist, Professor Alistair Clavering Hardy, and his famous Continuous Plankton Recorder research [link: https://www.cprsurvey.org/]. 

Professor Alistair Clavering Hardy taken during his time at Hull, c.1930s [U DX175/6]

We’ve known about this connection for many years but, until recently, we thought there was very little evidence about Hardy’s time at Hull within the University’s own records. However, our current work to catalogue a series of Principals’ and Vice Chancellors’ files has uncovered some fascinating letters. The letters were written between Hardy and Principal A.E. Morgan in the period 1927-1935, then between Hardy and Principal J.H. Nicholson in the period 1936-1938. This correspondence reveals details about Hardy’s plans, movements, professional connections, and achievements across a crucial 10-year period. This was a period in which a Department of Zoology was established at the University College, the department was expanded to include Oceanography as a subject, and the University College supported Hardy to develop his early experimental plankton research into the Continuous Plankton Recorder Survey that continues to this day. So far, we’ve found 85 letters covering the period 28 January 1928-7 October 1938. Alongside the letters are 3 additional documents, 2 newspaper articles and a draft paper prepared by Hardy. This new evidence [temporary reference: V.C.8/2] complements letters we already knew of within Hardy’s personnel file [reference: U HU25/1/94]. Perhaps more will be discovered in time but, for now, this correspondence is a treasure trove for researchers looking into the practicalities of Hardy’s work and connection with Hull.

Read on for a deep dive into Hardy’s work at Hull, or skip to the end to see a summary of what these letters reveal.

Diving deeper

So, what does this exciting discovery tell us….

The story, as shown in Hardy’s correspondence with Morgan and Nicholson, begins in January 1928 and provides us with much greater detail than was previously known. We understand from Hardy’s personnel file [U HU25/1/94] that he was appointed Professor of Zoology by the Council of the University College of Hull on the 6 January 1928. His salary was to be £800 per annum for full time services, with enrolment in the Federated Superannuation System. The contents of the file also show that he was unable to start full-time services for some time and that an arrangement would be made for his salary during the period of part-time service. This new correspondence allows us to add further detail, showing that Hardy was given a month’s salary ahead of 1 October 1928, presumably to help him relocate to Hull, and that he took up full-time employment at the University College from the beginning of October 1928.

Zoology Museum, 1931 [University Photographic Collection]

Establishing the Department of Zoology

However, the letters reveal more than merely dates of employment and salary figures. They show that Hardy was highly engaged in work to establish a Department of Zoology at the University College, even before starting full-time employment. An extract from a letter written by Hardy to Principal Morgan on 14 March 1928 demonstrates this nicely: ‘I am feeling more and more that if possible I should arrange to come to Hull altogether next October [1928]. I think it should be possible for me to bring some of my Discovery work to Hull and to visit London at intervals. If I am to open my department in October, the first years development will be so important, and interesting, that a scheme of travelling down for a few days a week will be hardly adequate.’ His enthusiasm for the success of the new department, and his personal involvement in setting it up is evident throughout the letters.

Designing the buildings

In letters dated 28 January 1928-17 February 1928 Hardy refers to having met with the University College architect to discuss the Zoology department rooms. In a letter written by Morgan dated 17 February 1928 he asks Hardy if he can ‘discuss with Forsyth [the architect], when next you see him, the feasibility of the suggestion you made in a previous letter of transferring the museum from blue to red? If he cannot promise that, he might be able to make it reddish blue, i.e. that it would come into commission as soon as possible during the first session’. The colour coding appears to have been how the architect designated time scales on different stages of campus building progress. This makes it clear that Hardy was keen to ensure his department’s rooms were ready as early as possible. However, his involvement was not just about keeping the architect to task; Hardy had his own ideas. In these letters, he tells Morgan that he has suggested to Forsyth ‘that an easy access should be made to the flat roof over the Zoology lecture room – and they are going to do this’, he adds that such a space ‘would be invaluable for keeping living specimens – small open air aquaria – insect cages etc within easy reach of the department’. Hardy was also actively involved in seeking out information to help improve the design of the rooms. In a letter dated 14 March 1928, Hardy indicates that he has received further plans from Forsyth, and that he and Professor Good in Biology are ‘going to look at the new biological buildings at Birmingham’, and that he hopes to see those at Sheffield next month. He also appears to have made a trip to Nottingham and a number of other unnamed laboratory buildings. This information gathering resulted in repeated engagement with Forsyth. A letter from Hardy to Morgan dated 1 Oct 1928 demonstrates the level of detail Hardy was concerned with: ‘I have to-day returned my plans with my comments to Forsyth. Perhaps if you are seeing his representatives to-morrow you would like to mention the two alterations I have proposed. They are as follows: That rooms 82 and 83 (Advanced and Elementary Laboratories) should have their floors raised 6’’ by one step at the door of each, and that rooms 99 and 100 should be knocked into one – to make a larger lecture room’.

Stocking the laboratory

It wasn’t just the fabric of the building that concerned Hardy. He was very active in vetting, sourcing and selecting the equipment that would be used to stock the department. In letters dated 28 January 1928-17 February 1928, Hardy and Morgan discuss an opportunity provided by the sale of the Piel Marine Laboratory. It is Hardy that notifies the Morgan of this opportunity, stating: ‘So very rarely does the equipment of a marine laboratory come onto the market’. Hardy is keen to obtain a set of Leitz student microscopes, and notes that the ‘specimen jars, cases, etc. would all be very useful’. He asks for permission to visit Piel on behalf of the University College to investigate further. Whilst the principal urges caution and a focus on Zoological equipment over marine, he encourages Hardy to view the Piel Laboratory. In a letter dated 4 April 1928, Hardy informs Morgan that ‘I will bring the sketches of proposed laboratory fittings to show you when I come. I hope to see Forsyth tomorrow’, demonstrating that he was just as keen to have input to the design of the fittings as to the layout of the structure of the building. In fact, an exchange dated 14-16 April 1928 makes this clear when he comments on one of his visits to see an existing laboratory: ‘They had not yet got the fittings into the biological department, but I was able to see the plans of benches, sinks, etc. – prepared by Messrs Baird & Tatlock – it made me more than ever glad that I am able to design my own!’. In a letter dated 17 July 1928, the principal confirms that Hardy may spend up to £1500 on apparatus and equipment for the department, and that he will shortly receive a departmental order book for this purpose. Hardy’s response on 19th Jul 1928 reveals his enthusiasm: ‘This is excellent news.... I have my equipment worked out in detail; as most items can be obtained at short notice I will delay ordering until I know there is space ready to receive it’. A letter dated 20 Dec 1928, written by Hardy to Morgan, demonstrates that it wasn’t just the shiny new purchases that interested him, and that he was keen to make sure all equipment that entered the department was fit for purpose. The letter reads: ‘The microscope Miss Gee has presented to us, whilst being very old fashioned – 1876, is in excellent condition and for certain low power work e.g. the examination of living aquatic animals, has an advantage over more modern instruments in that a greater depth of focus can be obtained. For this reason I am keeping it in the Zoology department; but Good will always be able to borrow it if he needs a specially deep focus’.

Setting up the library

Similarly, the letters show that Hardy concerned himself with the details of the requirements for a departmental library. In letters dated 28 January 1928-17 February 1928, Hardy notes that he is ‘particularly interested in the [Piel] library which should contain much of the early fisheries literature that I should find difficult to get hold of new.’ Eventually, Hardy decides to forgo purchasing the library. It’s clear he has in mind the limited funds available to the fledgling University College when he gives his reasons for passing on the Piel Library, feeling that he ‘cannot afford to run the risk of doing without necessities’ and wants ‘to have as complete a working library of modern biological literature as possible for the department’. In one of these letters dated 14 Feb 1928, Hardy notes that ‘[t]he modern books and the pure Zoological journals will be very extensive’ and that he is ‘preparing a provisional library list of what I consider essentials’. A few months later, in June 1928, Hardy’s attention returns to the requirements of the departmental library, when he and Morgan discuss whether or not to purchase a full set of the journal ‘Nature’. Again, Hardy has in mind financial considerations to support the University College when he settles that ‘as there is a complete set of “Nature” in the public library I do not think we need have it’.

Establishing a museum

It wasn’t just books that Hardy was keen to supply the department with. There are numerous references to arrangements being made for a departmental museum. As early as February 1928, whilst still working on the Discovery Project at the Natural History Museum in London, there is evidence that Hardy has such a plan in mind and sought to use his professional connections and relationships to help jump-start a zoological collection at Hull. Hardy notes in a letter that he has discussed with the Keeper of Zoology at the Natural History Museum the acquisition of zoological specimens from the museum’s ‘surplus materials series’. This course of action seems to have been wholeheartedly approved of by the principal who responds to say that he thinks Hardy’s ‘idea of getting busy on collecting specimens for a museum is excellent’.

Staffing the department

When it came to staffing the department, the letters reveal that Hardy was heavily involved in seeking out and interviewing potential candidates. For instance, in a letter to Hardy dated 24 July 1928, Morgan advises him that ‘You can get two candidates to appear for interview. When you have gone through the list I would suggest that you consider whether it would be cheaper for them to meet you in London or here’. From this we can determine that not only was he responsible for shortlisting, he was also responsible for interviewing candidates personally. Once he’d established his team, Hardy appears to have been a strong supporter of the department’s staff. In 1932, during an annual review of staffing, Hardy informs Morgan that he has ‘such pleasure in strongly recommending the reappointment of Mr ‘Espinasse, Miss Tazelaar, Mr Henderson and Mr Lucas’. A year later, he again has ‘no hesitation in recommending all of my staff for re-appointment. I am, without exception, highly pleased with their work in the department. I have an excellent team’.

Teaching and course content

As head of a department, we would expect Hardy to have been involved in teaching and course development. These letters provide evidence and examples of this from the very beginning. For instance, in June 1928 we find that arrangements for teaching of first year students are being made. On 21 June 1928, in response to a request for information from the principal, Hardy notes that he expects he will need 75 one-hour lecture periods and 125 hours split into periods of 2.5 hours for practical work across the academic session. This reveals that he was responsible for establishing precedents for teaching loads and contact time with students in his department in the early years of the University College’s existence. Further letters show that marine biology was to be a particular focus of the courses of offered, perhaps unsurprisingly given his background. An interesting episode in 1934 reveals Hardy’s influence on the curriculum extended outside of the University College, whilst incidentally shedding light on Hull’s working relationship with its parent institution, the University of London. An exchange between Hardy and Morgan in February 1934 shows that the University of London had sought to change the syllabus for Zoology General and Special examinations. At this time, students at Hull were awarded their degrees through the University of London under the University College system. The February exchange reveals that the proposed changes did not work for Hull, with Hardy putting forward the case for the importance of Marine Ecology to the curriculum at Hull and arguing against its exclusion from the examination syllabus. A letter dated 30 November 1934 shows that Hardy was successful in persuading the University of London to his point of view, when he updates Morgan that ‘[t]he College then protested against the exclusion of Marine Ecology, and its inclusion has now been granted’.

Student selection

Again, as head of department, we would expect Hardy to be involved in the selection of students to study at Hull. The letters provide evidence that he was particularly keen to attract excellent postgraduate candidates as a way of supporting the research outputs of the department. In a letter dated 16 September 1928, Hardy writes to Morgan: ‘Things are happening faster than I had expected – here is my first postgraduate student in Biological Oceanography coming to Hull from America in Oct! At least he is not definitely coming to Hull yet – he is coming first to ask my opinion as to where he should go. Of course I would like to have him at Hull – Bigelow under whom he has been working in America is the biggest man in oceanography on the other side of the Atlantic. If he will send his students to Hull for postgraduate work – our department will soon have a good place amongst the laboratories of the world’. The letters also suggest that he looked closely at the potential of candidates, and found ways to support their coming to Hull if he could. For instance, in a letter to Morgan written on 3 May 1933, Hardy reports on having seen a Miss Oughtred ‘on the subject of her coming to Hull to study biology’, thinks ‘there is little doubt that she will come here’, and describes a scheme for her to overcome the difficulty of her not having taken chemistry given that she appeared to find mathematics no difficulty.

Expanding the department

But perhaps the most significant development brought about by Hardy came as a result of a rival offer of employment received in November 1930. Had he excepted, the story at Hull would have been quite different. On the 14 November 1930, Hardy wrote to Morgan of an offer he had received to become the first director of a new marine biological research station in Bermuda. Despite obvious enthusiasm for the possibilities promised by the new station, Hardy states: ‘I turned it down because I did not want to leave Hull at its present stage’. He goes on to say that ‘I am building my department here – I am very keen on the College and I don’t want to leave it. I have, last week, come a step nearer – a big step – in the realization of my big north sea research scheme. The International Council for the Exploration of the Sea have inaugurated a big herring research campaign; last week they had a meeting at Lowestoft when delegates came from all the countries of the International Council. I knew this was coming off and before hand circulated them with my plan of campaign. They invited me to attend – and to my surprise they are wishing to incorporate the whole of my scheme into their International programme…. I gather the Council will finance the whole thing…. This will mean that Hull will be included in the standing of a separate country! – a unique position’. He continues, ‘I don’t for a moment want to ask for a rise in pay! I am quite happy in my present salary. What I do want is time and space. More time to devote to this work and more space in which to carry it out. I should like to be able to reply to those who advise me to take Bermuda – that I am going to make my department here an oceanographical institute every bit as important as Bermuda. I believe I can do it. I have been thinking it out and would like to put the following proposition to the college. I would like my department (and chair) to be that of the Department of Zoology and Oceanography – this will stress the importance of the oceanographical side. I would like to be relieved of a good deal of my… Zoological teaching so that I can devote myself more to the direction of the oceanographical side – to delegate most of the lecturing and demonstrating to a senior lecturer and assistant lecturer. I would myself take one course of lectures – advanced or elementary – perhaps varying it from year to year…. The only increase in cost to the College would be that of an extra lecturer’. 

Whilst there is no further discussion of the matter in this correspondence, we see the impact of Hardy’s letter in the change of the Department’s name on subsequent letter heads. We also see the impact in a letter dated 8 June 1931 in which Hardy responds to Morgan to thank him for ‘setting out the terms on which ‘Espinasse will be appointed Lecturer in my department’. It is clear from the contents of this letter, and Morgan’s letter informing Hardy of the news, that the University College had agreed to grant Hardy his senior lecturer on the condition ‘that the fisheries research scheme continues’. This development showed the faith that the University College had in Hardy’s research and the potential it had to benefit the young institution. 

It also leads us nicely to another aspect of Hardy’s connection to Hull which is covered by the newly discovered letters, his research and attempts made to attract funding for that research.

Research development

By the age of almost 32, when Hardy was appointed, he had already established a research reputation for himself as a Zoologist. This put his name firmly on the list of candidates considered by the University College appointments board. Evidence from Hardy’s personnel file [reference: U HU25/1/94] shows us that he was considered for the Hull Chair alongside another candidate, Michael Graham, and that opinions were sought from various specialists who had worked with Hardy since his graduation from Oxford. Although all references in respect of Hardy were glowing, some placed Graham slightly above Hardy in their ranking. Despite this, Hardy remained Principal Morgan’s first choice. A letter written by Morgan to Professor Gardiner on 15 November 1927 helps to demonstrate why: ‘[I]n relation to our particular needs, both academic and industrial it seemed to me that perhaps Hardy came first…. I cannot help feeling that there is a real possibility of developing a useful connexion between the University College and the fishing industry on the Humber’. It appears that Morgan and the Appointments Board wanted someone who would not only be able to teach and conduct research, but would also help them to develop industry connections. The newly discovered letters provide some evidence that Hardy’s role at the University College did develop in this way to some extent, and that this development was beneficial in securing funding for his research and for the wider financial support of the early Department of Zoology.

Fisheries research lab at Hull, c.1931 [University Photographic Collection]

Funding

The letters offer a fascinating insight into the ways in which Morgan and Hardy attempted to find funding for Hardy’s research and, through this, the Department of Zoology. Although references are usually brief, a common thread is evident in the letters: that Hardy’s research was of benefit to the fishing industry and this informed how and who the University College approached as potential funders. In a letter dated 24 June 1930, we find that Morgan has approached the Hull Fishmongers’ Company. He states that their representative is ‘friendly but he says the demands on their charity box are heavy. At the same time he recognises that ours is a plea with a special point and he would like more information’. Mongan then asks Hardy to draft a summary that could be given to the Fishmongers’ Company for information. An article in the Hull Daily Mail dated 15 September 1931, shows that this approach was eventually successful. It reads: ‘At the moment the University College is enabled to conduct this research by a grant from the Fishmongers Company and grants from the Development Commissioners’ and continues with an appeal in Hardy’s own words. He notes that the funding is conditional on gaining further outside support, and that ‘[a]lthough times are hard I hope that the preparations of years will not be wasted and that it may be possible for us to continue. We want to do our best to set up a research station on the Humber which may be worthy of this great fishing centre’.

The letters then show that some funding was applied for and received from the Leverhulme Trustees, which funding helped fund staffing within Hardy’s Department, before the focus then turns again to local and regional fishing organisations. On 19 May 1932 Morgan and Hardy discuss whether it is the right time to make an approach to the North Eastern Sea Fisheries Committee. They decide to delay this until their research has been ‘given some publicity in the Yorkshire press’. In a letter dated 1 December 1933, Hardy writes to Morgan: ‘I now send you my suggested draft of a letter to the Fish Merchants’ Protection Association. You will see that it is very much the same as that sent to the Hull Fishing Vessel Owners’ Association, but altered where I think necessary’. This again shows that their focus was very much on fishing industry organisations. This continues. In a letter dated 17 November 1934, Hardy prompts Hardy that ‘[i]t was early last December that we received the grant from the hull Fishing Vessel Owners Association. I think the time has come for a letter to be sent asking for a renewal and if possible increase in the grant’.

Ultimately, it was Treasury funding, through the Fisheries Ministry, that allowed Hardy to fully realise a fisheries research scheme at the University College. In a letter dated 8 September 1937, Hardy gives Principal Nicholson the good news: ‘I expect by now you will have heard the good news that the Treasury has approved the whole scheme. Whilst the delay was a little trying – it has been worth waiting for. I came up here at once to look out for accommodation and to make preliminary arrangements with the Scottish shipping companies…. I have arranged for candidates to come for interview… Tryhorn is here and that time suits him…. It is not easy to find just the right type of accommodation for out labs in Leith – but I have now hit on something that is almost ideal if only I can persuade the landlord to do the alterations I want and to thoroughly renovate the place inside. It is in a very bad condition inside – but excellent for position – space and good windows with open north lifts close against the doors where my things come in. I shall of course fix nothing definitely…. It is really wonderful that the Treasury should have passed everything – including its carrying forward of the publication fund. I am very thrilled about it all – and so grateful for what the College has done to make it possible’.

But the story apparently didn’t end here, as we find evidence of continued attempts to engage local fisheries bodies. For example, there is a letter dated 7 October 1938 in which Nicholson requests from Hardy an update on a suggestion from Alderman Holmes that they ‘attempt to obtain a grant from the Yorkshire Fisheries Board’.

Research

The letters also allow us to see snippets of how Hardy’s research progressed, apart from the practicalities of funding considerations. For instance, in a letter to Morgan dated 6 April 1934, Hardy notes: ‘I was hoping to go on the North Sea this week – but the trip I was going on (Ministry Research ship) has been postponed – so I am staying here’. Like the above, these snippets are usually in passing and are generally quite brief, but they give us a sense of Hardy’s movements and activities. For instance, in a letter to Morgan dated 11 September 1934, Hardy writes from Glasgow Central Hotel giving an update on the presentation of his research at a conference: ‘I think my paper went well – at any rate they seemed very pleased with it. My department was well represented – ‘Espinasse and Miss Tazelaar were both there’. The same letter includes an intriguing reference to a professional tussle. Hardy refers to an issue with a paper to be given by ‘Russell’ that was withdrawn on technical grounds. He goes on to say that Russell disappeared before Hardy could meet him ‘so I did not have the satisfaction of seeing him to tell him to his face what I thought of him. Perhaps it was as well’.

Original and revised models of the Plankton Recorder, 1948 [University Photographic Collection]

The letters also briefly refer to key moments in Hardy’s research. For instance, in a letter dated 13 January 1936 to Principal Nicholson, Morgan having retired, Hardy informs him that he has ‘just returned from a visit to Denmark starting a new plankton recorder line from London to Esbjerg’. These are all interesting details that enhance what we know about Hardy's research from his published research papers.

Supporting the fledgling University College

Finally, the newly discovered letters help us to see that Hardy had a role to play beyond the development of the Department of Zoology and his own plankton research.

Staffing advice

As one of the first academic members of staff to be appointed, Hardy was employed at a time when the University College was attempting to create an academic body that would integrate well and support the College’s development. We’ve already seen that Hardy had a definitive role to play in selecting staff for his own department, but it appears his opinion was also valued in other areas. For instance, the letters reveal that he worked closely with Professor Good of Biology, that he had a positive opinion of Good from the earliest days of his knowing him, and that Morgan was pleased that Hardy approved of his appointment when it was announced. Additionally, in a letter dated 11 February 1928, Morgan seeks Hardy’s opinion about a potential appointment when he asks: ‘Do you know anything about A.C. Menzies who was in the physics department at Leeds and is now at University College Leicester? He is under consideration for our physics job.’ In a response dated 14 February 1928, Hardy replies: ‘About Mr Menzies, Sylvia [Hardy’s wife] knows him quite well and considers him a very capable organiser with many good qualities but lacking in certain others; although considered a great asset when he first went to Leeds, after a time a good many people found his manner a little irritating.’ Another example can be seen in a letter dated 21 August 1932 when Hardy, upon hearing that Professor Roe is to leave Hull, writes to Morgan to say: ‘we have heard that Miss Enid Starkie – a don at Somerville is in for it’, before giving a glowing recommendation based on personal knowledge of her academic career and personality through her connection to his wife. Therefore, these letters provide evidence that Hardy, and actually his wife, had a role to play in advising on academic appointments, including those outside the Department of Zoology.

Campus development

In the process of visiting other institutions to see their laboratories, Hardy also gained impressions of the campus buildings more generally. In an exchange between Morgan and Hardy in April 1928, Morgan expresses a wish to hear more of Hardy’s opinions of the Nottingham buildings. This suggests that Hardy had input into wider decisions about the development of the campus buildings at Hull, and that this input was actively sought.

Fostering regional links

From the earliest inception of a University College at Hull, civic connections were central to the success of the scheme. Advocacy and funding came from key civic figures and local business owners, and discussions of how a University College might support the development of the region were part of early negotiations with the Local Education Committee. It is not a stretch to think then that early academics might be expected to develop and strengthen regional connections. The letters provide evidence that Hardy did just that. For instance, in a letter dated 16 September 1928, Hardy informs Morgan ‘I have been asked to give a lecture at the One Day School at Hull on Sep 29th, organised by the Workers Educational Association. I have consented to do so. My subject being: “The Study of Life – with special reference to life in the sea”.’ We know from other sources that connections to the WEA were vital in the success of another early department of the University College, that of Adult Education. Here then we find evidence that Hardy helped to support the work of the Department of Adult Education. Indeed, we find a reference in one of the letters to Hardy intending to meet with Professor Searls, who was a lecturer in Adult Education. Further evidence that Hardy contributed to local education outside of the immediate University College student population can be seen in a letter dated 5 November 1929: In response to a pamphlet giving statistics on teaching of Zoology in schools Morgan supposes that ‘low as the figures are for the whole country the teaching of zoology is probably more backward here than elsewhere’, and requests that Hardy and Good ‘discuss this matter and see if you can produce some material which might be circulated in the local schools very tactfully’. There is even evidence that Hardy himself initiated activities designed to engage the local community in the work of the University College: In a letter dated 11 February 1928, Morgan writes to Hardy that he is ‘glad to hear that you contemplate an inaugural lecture. We must make arrangements for a series of professorial inaugurals in the autumn’, to which Hardy responds that his inaugural is to be on ‘such a title as “Biology and the City of Hull” (Humber ports would perhaps be better) and I should be disappointed if I do not make several students who are hesitating decide to take up biology’. Finally, though perhaps tangentially, correspondence dated 14-16 April 1928 makes it clear that Hardy would take part in a Foundation Stone laying ceremony to be held by the University College on the 28th April 1928. We know that this event was a large and ceremonious affair and was a chance for the College to show its face to the region and the wider country. Hardy’s participation in the ceremony would have helped to support this objective.

Reputations

Finally, the letters are full of references to Hardy having been invited to give prestigious talks, as well as to him attending meetings of respected academic societies. For instance, a letter dated 14 March 1928 reveals how sought after Hardy was at this time: ‘I have at rather short notice been asked to give the Expedition Lecture to the Royal Geographical Society at the Aeolian Hall on April 2nd; this also means writing a paper for the journal. So with this, the conference of the Experimental Biological Society at Oxford, work for the Expedition and preparing for Hull I am very full up.’ In another letter, dated 19 June 1928, Hardy informs Morgan: ‘I shall move house at the end of August and then go to Glasgow for the British Association Meeting on September 5th – am reading a paper to the Zoological Section’. This is all at the very start of Hardy’s connection with Hull and demonstrates the professional connections and knowledge of research networks that he would have brought with him.

A few years later in August 1932, we find a programme enclosed with a letter from Hardy to Morgan. The programme relates to a joint meeting of the Challenger Society for the Promotion of Oceanography and representatives from Marine Laboratories (Development Commissioners’ Scheme), which is to be held at the University College of Hull between 7-8 September 1932. The programme shows Hardy and colleagues Henderson and Lucas all speaking about the fisheries research being undertaken at Hull. That such a young institution was able to attract this kind of conference must be down in large part to Hardy’s own reputation, research, and connections.

Having such an esteemed academic, and one so young with such a bright future, must have given the fledgling University College a reputational boost. In fact, the letters provide hints that this was the case. For instance, on 15 September 1931, the Hull Daily Mail published an article titled ‘Charting the life in the sea. Big fisheries research scheme with Hull as centre. First voyage begun last night’. It recounts the use of Hardy’s plankton recorder equipment onboard the S.S. Albatross of the Norddentschen Lloyd line, sailing for Bremen from the William Wright Dock at Hull. This was the first commercial ship used by Hardy in his research and was a world first for this type of research. The article refers to ‘Professor A.C. Hardy, of the Hull University College and the inventor of the instrument’, and in doing so closely associated the event with the University College. Similarly, the Neues Wiener Journal of Vienna, published an article on 13 September titled ‘Remarkable invention by Antarctic explorer Hardy. Professor at Europe’s youngest university revolutionizes fishing industry.’ The article reads: ‘Many countries lay claim to the honour of possessing the oldest university, but England can boast of possessing the youngest academic institution in Europe: the University College of Hull…. The College, under the energetic leadership of its Principal… has become one of the most prominent institutions of higher education and research in the north of England. Valuable research work is carried out’. Reference is then made to two research intensive departments, the department of Economics and the ‘oceanographical institute under the direction of the noted zoologist Professor Hardy’. The rest of the article is dedicated to outlining the institute’s research and describing Hardy’s plankton record, before ending with ‘Early morning in the harbour of Hull witnesses a scene of remarkable activity: fishing vessels return to port with heavy catches – thanks to this invention at the youngest university in Europe’.

There’s even some evidence within the letters that the University College actively used Hardy’s reputation, employing it at times they wished to make a show to potential supporters and the wider region. For instance, in a letter dated Hardy responds to a request by Morgan to support a visit of Lord and Lady Middleton to see the College buildings. He refers to a proposed stop to be made at the Zoology and Oceanography department and notes that he will try to be there but that ‘Henderson and Lucas will show off the aquaria’ if he cannot be present. Another instance is hinted at in a letter dated 12 February 1934, when Morgan writes to Hardy that ‘Council has expressed its warm appreciation of the most interesting exhibits which were arranged by certain Departments on the occasion of the Reception given to the North of England Education Conference last month. They asked me to convey to you their thanks for all that you and your staff did to make the evening the success that it undoubtedly was’.

So, what have we learnt?

The newly discovered letters highlighted in this blog allow us to see just how vital a role Hardy played in physically setting up and intellectually establishing the Department of Zoology. He determined the literature that would be read by students and would inform research; he created a museum of zoological specimens to support student learning and understanding; he helped design the teaching and research spaces that would be used for many years to come; he personally sourced and stocked the laboratory with the equipment needed for a successful research and teaching focused academic department; he established a teaching staff; he determined course content, and he personally had a role in the selection of students. Additionally, his research and academic reputation helped jumpstart the University College’s research credentials, attracting much needed funding in the early years of its existence. Outside of his academic field, Hardy contributed more generally to the early development of the University College, helping support the work of other departments, and helping to develop connections to the local community and the wider region. It's also worth noting that Hardy’s personnel file reveals that he played a vital role in the pastoral life of the college through his wardenship of Needler Hall at a time when the student body was small and tightly knit.

The biggest surprise for me when reading these letters was that Hardy played such an active role in the early establishment of the University College. Anyone aware of Hardy will no doubt know him because of his groundbreaking contributions to plankton research. However, what struck me was that references to this side of things are relatively few in comparison to the information we can learn about his wider contributions to the early life of the University College. Until now, his significance to the history of higher education, both broadly and specifically in relation to Hull, has perhaps not been fully understood.

If you are interested in seeing these letters for yourself, contact archives@hull.ac.uk to arrange a History Centre research visit.

Claire (Archivist, Hull University Archives)

Monday, 5 January 2026

Reintroducing the University Records Project

Cast your mind back to Summer 2023 and you might remember that we started a multi-year project to deal with a backlog of uncatalogued material relating to the history of the University of Hull. It had been our intention to write regular blogs during the project, however, work life took over and, to be absolutely honest, we forgot!

Weeded volumes piling up, much like the work when we started!

When we started back in Summer 2023, we had 38 University of Hull related collections that were inaccessible because they hadn’t been catalogued. Two and a half years later, we’ve now dealt with 26 of those collections, that’s 4670 new records added to our cataloguing system! We’re in the process of finalising this data so that we can add it to the History Centre’s online catalogue where it will be searchable by the public.

What have we discovered so far?

Amongst the uncatalogued material we found several collections relating to student and staff organisations and societies. Alongside the records of the Students Union, there are records created by the Hull University Student Services Organisation (aka HUSSO), and the International Students Association. The records of staff associations cover the Staff Cricket Club, Lecturing and Administrative Staff Association, University Staff Women’s Club, Senior Common Room, University of Hull Anglican Chaplaincy, and the Hull Association of University Teachers.

Academic departments and institutes also feature in the records, with collections covering the Centre for Languages in Education, Centre for South East Asian Studies, Drama Department, and the Institute of Education. We also found collections created by individual academic staff members, including Professor Thomas William Bamford (Lecturer in Education), Professor Edwin Dawes (Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences), Professor Doug Thompson (Principal Researcher on the WWII Oral History Project), and Professor Herbert Colin Creighton (Lecturer in Sociology).

Professional services operations are represented by records created within the Accommodation Office, Student Administration Services, and the Finance Office, whilst governance of the university is recorded in a large collection of proceedings and committee minute books.

Finally, there’s a huge amount of published and printed material covering public lectures, departmental and societies newsletters, prospectuses and handbooks, and official publications such as annual reports published centrally. We also found a fantastic collection of scrapbooks containing press cuttings from the late 1920s and a historical pamphlet collection curated by University Library staff.

What’s next?

We’ll be making these new catalogues live in the lead up to the University's centenary year in 2027/28. The release of each new catalogue will be accompanied by a blog exploring any interesting stories we’ve uncovered – WE PROMISE!

We’ll also be finishing work that we’ve started on a set of congregation records, a series of personnel files created by Human Resources, and a large run of bound exam papers.

Alongside this, we’ve just started working on an extensive collection of Vice Chancellor’s files. With the centenary fast approaching, we think this work will take us right up to Summer 2027, and that these files will probably be the last collection we manage to get sorted before the centenary celebrations begin. There are already some fascinating stories coming out of the files and we’ll be sharing these on the blog as we go along.

All of this planned work means that there are some collections we won’t be able to deal with ahead of the university’s centenary year, including material relating to the Department of Adult Education, the Library, Middleton Hall, and the Office of the Registrar. Additionally, there are extensive photographic materials, some audio-visual material, and a very large set of records documenting the University’s Scarborough Campus in need of attention.

So we’re not going anywhere and we have no doubt that the project will continue long after the 2027/28 centenary year – meaning there’s plenty still to come!

Claire (Archivist, Hull University Archives)

Monday, 15 December 2025

The birth of aviation in Hull: The Ling Monoplane


Image: C DIEJ/2 - The Ling/Newington Monoplane, May 1910

The history of aviation goes back much farther than you may think. The Chinese are often credited with the first efforts to tame the skies with their use of kites more than 2,000 years ago. Over these last two-millennia various advances in flight have taken place from da-Vinci’s flying machines in the 15th Century to the hot air balloons of the Montgolfier brothers in 1783 and the Cayley Glider in 1849. The first accepted heavier than air flight however, which is flight achieved though aerodynamic lift, is the Wright Brothers in 1903.

Five short years later, with aviation still in its infancy, across the Atlantic in the town of Hull was Mr Ling, designing his very own aircraft in his workshop, the Ling Monoplane. 

A brief mention of another Hull inventor who contributed to the local history of aviation is Thomas Walker. A painter by profession he published his work on mechanical flight, A Treatise Upon the Art of Flying in 1810. One of the earliest books of its kind. The aircraft he designed was an ornithopter in design, that is an aircraft that flies though flapping wings, imitating a bird.  

Returning to Ling's aircraft, the fist mention of it comes in relation to an aviation event held at the Marine Gardens, Portobello, Edinburgh a large Amusement Park. The directors offered a £500 prize for the first flight across the Firth of Forth by a Briton in a British-built aircraft. The event was held in reaction to the recent fanfare around Louis BlĂ©riot’s flight across the English Channel. 

Image: Marine Gardens, Edinburgh, 1914. Ref: NLS Maps:
https://maps.nls.uk/ 

On 18 September 1909, The Strathearn Herald reported that several inventors had been in communication with the directors  of the Gardens, but that only one, Mr Ling of Hull had given his intention to fly. 

Edward Matthew Ling, was born in Hull in July 1886 to Miles and Elizabeth Ling. His father was a cork fender maker from Norfolk and his mother from Killingholme, Lincolnshire. By 1901, his father had passed away and his mother and he had taken up cork fender making to keep the family afloat. 
In his teens he became interested in aeroplane model making, and he soon became apprenticed as a mechanical engineer. It is not clear when Ling started his full-scale construction as he kept it a secret, but he had
 
…given the science of aviation much study (HDM, 28 Sept 1909).

When a representative from the newspaper visited his workshop on Walton Street he described the aircraft as follows:

The structure was shaped very much like a canoe, with graceful curves. The bent wood ribs are of very light design…The Planes [wings] have been constructed on a light frame covered with aero cloth…The width where these planes are spread out is 32ft, and they can be so tilted that should the engine suddenly stop the aviator can “plane” or glide safely…the tail, light but of great strength, ready also to be fixed. At the end is to be fitted the rudder, of thin but unbendable maple, which will work on brass hinges. Weight has, of course, been avoided, a matter of ounces being considered serious…The machine is the result of no hastily-thought out plans…  (HDM, 28 Sept 1909)
The propellor is of aluminium and alloy (a Hull discovery) – so that it will bend without breaking…Aluminium has been used greatly in the construction. The planes, for example, are fitted into aluminium boxes. Mr Ling’s seat in the canoe-shaped central body, strengthened with light steel ribs, is water-tight to enable it to float. (HDM 28 Oct 1909) 

At the time of the visit, Ling had left for Edinburgh to finalise the arrangements for his upcoming flight. He travelled the Fife coast by car to define the best landing places. It was decided that the best place for a landing would be east of Burntisland, which would entail a flight of around 9 miles from the gardens. Ling was that confident in his machine that instead of taking the train back after his landing he suggested that he may fly it back.
 
It was reported that he had already carried out a flight of 4 miles in his machine, and in an interview with The Scotsman in October he stated that he had conducted various experimental flights in the neighbourhood of Hull in strict secrecy, often at daybreak.
 
His planned flight was reported across the country, and he had intended to carry out a public trial flight in Hull so the people of the city could view the machine. However, his aircraft was still being adjusted and propped for the Forth flight and trouble with the ignition of the engine delayed his trip. In Edinburgh, a large area of the gardens had been levelled in preparation for his take off which was now planned for 23 October 1909. However, once again the engine was cause for delay. And the flight was postponed until the following Saturday.

The engine in question was of his own idea and built by another Hull local, Mr Thomas Leonard Bell, of St George’s Road, an engineer with the British Steam Trawling Company. It was a three-cylinder engine, that though light could produce 40 horsepower, easily enough to power the aircraft.
 
On 28 October his aircraft, the engine and Ling left Paragon Station separately. He was described as:

A smart-looking young man…dressed in a neat blue suit, his lack of words and general demeanour gave a mail representative the impression that here was a man who had determination to carry a difficult thing through. (HDM, 28 Oct 1909)

He arrived at Waverley Station in the early afternoon by which time his aircraft had been loaded onto a lorry and transferred to the Marine Gardens. The total cost of the aircraft up to this point was about £700, which was more than the winning prize.
 
The aircraft was placed inside the skating rink and admission to the public was charged at 1 shilling. It was described as:
…a marvel of ingenuity and delicate workmanship and embodies many novelties and patents. (The Scotsman, 29 Oct 1909)
Ling decided to patent much of his work on the aircraft and the engine as it was wholly designed by him and there was much interest and requests to inspect it including, it was reported, two German agents.
 
On the eve of his flight, he was described as sanguine having made many improvements to the design it weighed 500lbs including the 5ft 5”, 10 stone aviator. The engine troubles were in the past as it had run in Hull for several hours straight in a trial. Unfortunately, Ling had to delay the flight once again, despite the mechanics working through the night to get the aircraft assembled, engine fitted and flight ready there was not enough time, the engine had also been slightly damaged in transit and the carburettor left back in Hull. Great disappointment was had amongst the public but after another week the finishing touches were put to the aircraft, and it was ready for its first trial outing on 8 November.  

The aircraft was brought out to the promenade and an attempt made to start the engine, however, a crack in the propellor socket and defect in one of the blades was spotted crucially before the engine fully turned over. A fresh wooden propellor was sent for and the aircraft once again dismantled. 

Despite all this Ling remained optimistic and declared that he would not return to Hull without giving it a try. On 20 November 1909 it was reported in the Hull Daily Mail that Mr Ling:
…had a successful [test] flight of two miles and a quarter, and was quite satisfied with the behaviour of his monoplane…
Unfortunately, there is no other mention of the flight and the following week he returned to Hull with his aircraft with the intention of trying again at a later date. Between the end of November and May the following year nothing more is heard of either Ling or his monoplane. Why he left the project is not known but it could have been for financial reasons, given the fact that an employee brass finisher who worked for Ling and Bell went to court over his wages in June.
 
It appears that Bell and his brother William took over the lead on the monoplane which was now owned by the Newington Monoplane Company, a syndicate of Hull businessmen. Bell, it seems altered the design slightly, it now had slightly shorter wings and weighed an extra 100lbs with additional engine alterations.

On 10 May the aircraft was exhibited at Central Hall, Pryme Street for a few days whereupon the public could come and view it for a fee. Both the Hull Aero Club and Hull & East Riding Aero Clubs were in attendance. 

Image: Exhibition invitation to the Hull made Aeroplane.
Ref: C DIEJ/2

One month later and the aircraft was taken to land owned by George Vickerman at Sunk Island for trials. It was brought out and run briefly before the wheels were seriously damaged due to the state of the ground which had been grazed by horses all winter.

The aircraft remained onsite at Sunk Island in preparation for further trials. However, on 29 June 1910, there was a ghastly thunderstorm and their tent was blown away along with much of the companies supplies. The aircraft was then struck by lightning and described as: 
…a complete wreck. The body of the machine was cut in two and the wheels and planes severed. (HDM, 30 Jul 1909)
The machine was brought back to Hull a few days later at which time one of the men involved stated that:
We have had very bad luck all the way through; the devil seems to have been in the thing.
This was made even more upsetting when the aircraft was set for a flight just a few days later. The machine was salvaged and rebuilt in some capacity and taken this time to Hedon Racecourse where Mr Oscar S. Penn a would-be pilot from Hull smashed the aircraft to pieces in attempting to fly it. Thus ended the story of the Ling/Newington monoplane. At least the first version of it! 


Notes:
 
Bell’s Determination

Image: T. L. Bell, 1910. Ref: 
HDM, 10 May 1910, p.3
Despite the setbacks he was resolved to complete a successful flying aircraft. He went back to design and had built a new monoplane made of steel. The following year on 12 August 1911, Bell had his new aircraft trialled at Hedon Racecourse where an attempt to fly was made. 
The engines were going splendidly and away went the machine, like a captive bird released from its cage. She went about a hundred yards, and was just leaving the earth when there commenced an ominous rattle, and the engine had to be stopped.
A crack in the cylinder casing ceased the project immediately. Bell was once again undeterred, his machine once airborne was projected to reach speeds of 60mph and would be the first steel aircraft constructed. He had planned to return but nothing more is known about the machine or Bell until the following year in July 1912 when he is mentioned as working on his third machine.

He passed away in 1924 aged 57. His son, also named Thomas clearly picked up the aero bug as he joined the Royal Naval Air Service (RNAS) in 1916. 

Ling’s Future: 

Image: E. M. Ling, 1909,
Edinburgh Evening News,
30 Oct
By 1911 Ling had married, moved to The Avenues and worked as a mechanical engineer for a motor works. In 1912 he saw an advert in The Daily Telegraph asking for volunteers to the new Royal Flying Corps (precursor to the RAF). He signed up at the recruiting office in Hull in July 1912, only a few months after the corps formed. He was the 171st person to join, with the majority of the previous candidates were transfers from the Royal Engineers Air Balloon Battalions, Ling was one of the first civilians.
 
He enlisted as a mechanic and he moved to the Central Flying School, Upavon, Wiltshire where he trained and carried out test flights with pilots over 1000ft in the air. He was posted to No. 2 Squadron in Montrose, Scotland, the first operational RFC base in the UK. There role was to help protect the Royal Navy.
 
In August 1914, the very start of the war, he embarked for Boulogne, France aboard the SS Dogra along with much of the squadron’s equipment. The squadron was equipped with BE2c’s and operated largely in reconnaissance and artillery support. His role, like many of the Air Mechanics was essential to ensuring dominance of the skies, without the aircraft being maintained the pilots could not do their job. 

In November 1915 he returned home and was transferred to No. 6 Reserve Air Squadron based again at Montrose before being transferred to the Machine Gun School at Hythe, Kent in July 1916. Here he would have overseen personnel and maintenance where would be Observers learnt how to use and operate a machine gun from an aircraft. He was clearly doing well as he was promoted again to Temporary Sergeant Major in September. This was a senior administrative position, and a crucial link between the commissioned and non-commissioned officers.
 
In November 1917 he was posted back to South Farnborough at the Engine Repair Shops where he stayed working until March 1918, whereupon he was appointed as an Equipment Officer. This would have involved managing equipment, including aircraft components, armaments, and transport vehicles. When the RAF formed the following month with the amalgamation of the RFC and RNAS, Ling began work as a modifications and armament officer, helping to improve and develop all aspects of the aircraft.
 
By November 1919, post-war he had been posted to the RAF’s no. 2 Base Motor Transport Repair Depot where he maintained the motor transport vehicles, an essential logistical support component to the newly formed force. A year later he was a Flying Officer, based at No. 1 School of Technical Training at Halton, Buckinghamshire, where he taught recruits. He stayed in the service until 1924.  He continued his work as a mechanical engineer and inventor until his death aged 79 in 1966. 


Tuesday, 4 November 2025

History Bakers: Dorset Apple Cake (The Great British Bake Off - Week 9 – Patisserie Week)

History Bakers: Mrs K. Leng's Dorset Apple Cake (The Great British Bake Off - Week 9 – Patisserie Week)

Apples To Apples… To Apples

To tie in with the Great British Bake Off, this year staff at the History Centre have decided to gather historic recipes and try them out. With patisserie week now finished, here is a recipe that fits my definition of patisserie and hopefully everyone else’s too. 

Around this time of year, I usually end up with a glut of apples. I take a bag full of apples from my mum’s allotment and her neighbour’s allotment too—with permission. I even ended up with extra apples this year after a trip to meet my brother and his family at Beningbrough Hall, near York. Beningbrough Hall was built in 1716 and it is a Grade I listed building in recognition of its architectural and historical significance. Beningbrough Hall consists of a beautiful country house with extensive grounds, a large outdoor play area, and a small book shop. Within the grounds there is a walled garden with all sorts of produce, including a wide variety of different apple trees, many of which I was unfamiliar with. I was able to rescue a few decent apples from the ground, my nieces and nephew saw what I was up to and helped me find a few more. 

Just when I thought I would be content not to see another apple until 2026, one of our regulars at the History Centre very kindly brought us approximately 5-6 bags full of apples. Thank you, Mr. G.

Dorset Apple Cake

With access to enough apples to keep the doctors away for many months, I set about looking for apple-based recipes in our collections and decided upon this Dorset Apple Cake. Below you will see the recipe along with the ingredients I used. As well as thanking Mr G for providing the apples, we also have to thank Mrs K. Leng for providing the recipe, which was published in the Kingston Wesley Methodist Church Bazaar souvenir recipe book in 1962. 

Image: Mrs K. Leng's recipe (C DCE/848/9)

The eagle-eyed amongst you may notice two things—firstly, this recipe calls for self-raising flour and I used plain flour, and secondly, I have not included milk in this photo of ingredients. I did add a small amount of whole milk at the appropriate time, an amount I can only refer to as a “glug.” In addition, I did not knowingly use cooking apples as the apples I got were a real mixed bag...

Image: Most of the ingredients

I began by washing the apples and then chopping them up finely, which I did for textural reasons. I was careful not to leave a pip in… I think the cake would work just as nice with larger slices of apple. I did not remove any skin from the apples except where there were minor blemishes. Once the apples were chopped, I left them in my mixing bowl and covered them with the sugar whilst I weighed and prepared the rest of the ingredients. To this mixture I eventually added everything else and gave it a good mix. Once I had a “stiff paste,”.

Image: The mixed ingredients prior to cooking

I cooked the mixture for one hour until it looked like the below image, though in hindsight I should have left it in the oven for another 10-15 minutes. I say this because I have used this recipe to create much more apple cake since. Not only did I make a larger batch, but I cooked the cake mixture for longer and preferred the overall look, taste, and texture of that cake. Picture the below, still golden and delicious… but browner and a little crispier on top. I managed to use plain flour again, though.

Image: The finished Apple Cake

As usual, I fed the results of my baking to the people in my house and to people at work, who had the following to say:

People in my house:
Dilara – “Good texture. Would be nice with cream.”
James – “This is really tasty.” 
Sofya – “That’s good, I would prefer it with custard.”

Anonymous at the History Centre:
“Totally [heavenly] – extremely moist and delicious taste of apple. Great Autumn treat.”
“Lovely delicate and fruity apple flavour. Very moist!”
“Apples had more of a solid consistency than expected but very nice.”

One day I will make this cake using self-raising flour and cooking apples to match Mrs. K. Leng’s original recipe more closely. I found this recipe easy to make and very tasty, so I will be using it whenever I end up with lots of apples. I consider it a great discovery and I’m glad it has made a cameo in History Bakers. Another bonus with this recipe is that most of the ingredients are cheap, easy to find, and mostly manufactured here.